The Increasing Role of Cultural Diplomacy
in EU-Gulf Relations
Increasingly central to the foreign policy agendas of the EU and the GCC, cultural diplomacy has fostered a rapprochement between the two regions through academic, artistic and intercultural exchanges. In recent decades, joint initiatives in education, cultural heritage, and the arts have strengthened dialogue and cooperation. However, despite these advancements, the full potential of cultural diplomacy remains partially untapped. This white paper presents and discusses the ample opportunities that exist for a more structured and strategic integration of cultural diplomacy to enhance bilateral relations and regional security.
Introduction
The role of cultural diplomacy in recent decades has increasingly become central in international relations. Defined as “[…] a course of actions, which are based on and utilise the exchange of ideas, values, traditions and other aspects of culture or identity, whether to strengthen relationships, enhance socio-cultural cooperation, promote national interests and beyond; Cultural diplomacy can be practiced by either the public sector, private sector or civil society (diplomacy).”[1]
It has been recognised that cultural diplomacy has reinforced the strengthening of EU-Gulf relations. As stated in the Joint Communication from the 1st EU-Gulf Cooperation Council Summit in October 2024: “We will encourage more administrative and financial support instruments that can enhance people-to-people contacts and institutional cooperation in the fields of youth, sport, culture, education, and interregional cultural relations in the creative industries.”[2] The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and the European Union (EU) are two important global actors with an enormous potential for cooperation in a number of sectors. This white paper highlights the difficulties and opportunities of the project of cooperation between the two regions, stressing that cultural diplomacy is a fundamental tool for realizing its full potential.
EU–Gulf Cultural Relations
A Short History
Bilateral relations between European countries and Gulf states have a long-standing history. However, the establishment of the GCC in 1981 created new prospects for inter-bloc relations, shifting the dynamic from state-to-state engagements to a more collective regional approach (Nonneman 2006). The creation of the GCC was a significant milestone in regional integration, enabling member states to adopt a coordinated stance on diplomacy, security, and economic development (Fürtig 2004). Formal interactions between the GCC and the European Economic Community (EEC) - which later evolved into the EU - began with the 1989 Cooperation Agreement.[3] This accord laid the groundwork for a durable partnership, prioritizing collaboration in sectors such as trade, investment, energy, and technology (Kostadinova 2013; Ayadi and Gadi 2013). It also established a framework for structured dialogue and deeper political and economic cooperation between the two regions.
From its inception, the GCC primarily concentrated on "hard power" concerns, shaped by the instability caused by major regional events such as the 1979 Iranian Revolution and the Iran-Iraq War (1980–1988). These crises highlighted the necessity of a joint security strategy and stronger economic cohesion. Nonetheless, cultural matters were not neglected. Article 4 of the GCC Charter[4] explicitly includes "education and culture" among its core objectives, reflecting an early awareness of the importance of cultural diplomacy in shaping both regional identity and international image (Gołębiowski 2020). Beginning in the mid-1990s, the Gulf region experienced significant economic expansion, largely fueled by rising oil revenues and forward-looking development policies. The emergence of a younger generation of leaders - especially in Qatar, the United Arab Emirates (notably Dubai and Abu Dhabi), and Saudi Arabia - catalyzed efforts to transform these states into global and intercultural hubs. This transformation raised the Gulf’s international profile, attracting foreign investment, skilled professionals, and strategic partnerships. It also led to the construction of advanced infrastructure, the founding of internationally recognized academic institutions, and the growth of dynamic cultural districts - further reinforcing their status on the world stage (Gołębiowski 2020).
In the early 2000s, Gulf countries began to actively deploy soft power strategies aimed at European audiences, leveraging tools such as tourism, sports, and media (Trobbiani 2017). The global expansion of Gulf-based airlines like Qatar Airways, Emirates, and Etihad significantly improved regional connectivity. At the same time, Gulf investments in European sports - most notably Qatar’s acquisition of Paris Saint-Germain and Abu Dhabi’s ownership of Manchester City - signaled a new approach to cultural diplomacy (Trobbiani 2017). Media outlets also played a pivotal role, particularly Al Jazeera, which emerged as a major global news platform with considerable influence over international narratives (Arab Reform Initiative 2025). These developments not only enhanced the Gulf’s visibility but also deepened its connections with Europe. As such, economic engagement has consistently been a cornerstone of GCC-EU relations. Substantial financial flows from Gulf sovereign wealth funds - including the Qatar Investment Authority, Abu Dhabi Investment Authority, and Saudi Arabia’s Public Investment Fund (PIF) - have targeted key European sectors such as real estate, finance, and technology. These investments have not only integrated the two regions economically but also spurred innovation and business collaborations across borders (Ayadi and Gadi 2013; SpringerLink 2021).
In recent years, culture has assumed an increasingly central role in shaping interregional ties. The Gulf states’ long-term strategic blueprints - such as Saudi Arabia’s Vision 2030, Qatar’s National Vision 2030, and the UAE’s Vision 2021 - place strong emphasis on culture and cultural tourism as pillars of diversification and nation branding. Major cultural initiatives, including the creation of flagship institutions like the Louvre Abu Dhabi and the National Museum of Qatar, reflect a growing cultural engagement with Europe and signal a commitment to global cultural dialogue (Khader 2023). While individual European countries have traditionally invested in cultural diplomacy, the EU only recently adopted a coherent strategy in this domain. Key policy shifts - such as the 2016 Joint Communication on international cultural relations[5] and the 2019 Council Conclusions[6] - mark a new era of coordinated EU cultural engagement. Initiatives like the European Spaces of Culture and the establishment of EU cultural institutes in Gulf countries have facilitated deeper cooperation and cultural exchange in areas including fashion, film, music, and architecture (Trobbiani 2017). For instance, the Qatar Fashion and Design Council (QFDC) has collaborated with high-profile European events like Paris Fashion Week to promote local designers. In the cinematic sphere, the Doha Film Institute (DFI) maintains partnerships with major European festivals such as Cannes and Venice, supporting Arab filmmakers while simultaneously showcasing European films in the Gulf. Al Jazeera, too, has played a formative role by collaborating with European directors, especially in the documentary field (Gołębiowski 2020). As Europe and the Gulf navigate an increasingly interconnected global landscape, cultural diplomacy, economic cooperation, and strategic alliances will continue to shape their evolving partnership. The Gulf’s renewed cultural ambition, coupled with Europe’s strategic interest in deepening cultural ties, suggests a future of enhanced collaboration built on shared values, mutual interests, and reciprocal exchange.
The Criticalities within EU – GCC Relations
Despite these developments and opportunities, relations between the EU and the countries of the GCC have suffered from several constraints, with three of particular note (Colombo 2021).
First, one reason for the disappointing performance in EU-GCC relations is the emphasis on bilateral agreements, which represent an obstacle for multilateral collaboration. Individual EU countries often pursue their own foreign policies, focusing on closer ties with GCC nations due to historical connections. This allows them greater freedom in bilateral relations, as they leverage their influence over GCC capitals more effectively than Brussels (the seat of the EU) can. Consequently, key EU member states like France, Germany, and Italy seek to foster privileged relationships with specific GCC countries (Baabood and Edwards 2007). Additionally, weaknesses in the GCC as a regional organization and poor integration among its member states contribute to this issue. The decision-making processes and the policies adopted on strategic issues such as foreign and security policy, arguably at the core of the GCC countries’ cooperation and integration path since its onset, are still firmly in the hands of individual members, whose interests are often different. In 2011, for instance, Saudi Arabia proposed increasing multilateral cooperation within the GCC by enhancing economic, political, and military coordination to counter Iranian influence. However, this initiative met strong opposition and increased public protests in other GCC countries, undermining future efforts for closer unity (similar to the European Union) (Hammond 2012). Also, regarding the economic and financial dimensions, the integration of the Gulf Cooperation Council remains incomplete. This is evident from the establishment of a precursor to a Gulf central bank - a "monetary council" created in 2010 which, since then, has remained largely ignored due to internal disagreements among member states.
Second, trade and economic cooperation, with particular emphasis on energy security and the removal of barriers, have trumpeted the political, security, social and cultural aspects. This approach has demonstrated its limitations particularly in light of the changing geopolitical context in the Gulf and the broader Middle Eastern region, and of the transformations in the global balance of power. While the GCC countries have become increasingly crucial players in the geopolitics and security of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, the EU has continued to view them primarily through an economic lens. This economy-focused framework of engagement with the GCC countries has been conducive to major investments and export deals, but it has also undermined European influence in the broader region from a political and cultural point of view. Moreover, regarding the political initiatives undertaken by both parties, there is often a disconnect between priorities and intentions. For instance, the EU's emphasis on the condition of upholding human rights has been viewed as an inappropriate interference in the domestic affairs of these countries, which in turn hampers further integration between the two sides (Hashmi et al. 2014).
Third, among the most neglected aspects in the practice and analysis of EU-GCC relations stands the relationship between the respective citizens and civil society groups on the actors involved. So far, institutional relations (e.g. government to government, parliament to parliament, business to business) have largely prevailed over relations built on people-to-people contacts: this has meant that the engagement between the two parties has often lacked the mutual deep knowledge that stems from personal and cultural connections. This has resulted in a significant communication gap between the two sides and a limited degree of familiarity and interaction, breeding misperceptions and stereotypes. Lack of an effective and sustained communication flow between the two regions, due to the lack of effective and significant media exposure, has represented a barrier and a key factor at the root of several setbacks in the interregional dialogue (Al Araimi and Bianco 2014). The understatement of the educational sector, which would use the potential and willingness of the young generations on both sides to learn across cultural divides and by experience (Al Mukhaini, 2014), along with the lack of a formal dialogue of the EU with civil society organizations in the GCC countries, is often regarded as suspicious by the governments in the region. To enhance collaboration, increased interactions among journalists, students, youth, educational institutions, research centers, and civil society organizations would be beneficial.
Various significant events have hindered the cooperation process. Jihadi terrorism on European soil and the direct consequences of human displacement from the Middle East have prompted the EU to adopt an inward focus, prioritizing its foreign and security policy by emphasizing migration cooperation with Middle Eastern countries. As a result, cooperation between the EU and the GCC countries has decreased as many responsibilities, especially in internal security, border management, and law enforcement, have been re-nationalized (Ghafar and Colombo 2021). This change comes during a serious crisis for the EU integration process, which included challenges brought on by the COVID-19 pandemic. These events have complicated the EU's ability to manage foreign policy and prepare for future issues. This situation represents a low point from which EU-GCC engagement needs to be revitalized and reimagined, considering new regional and international realities.
Cultural Diplomacy in Action
The Case of Museums
Museums represent a pivotal aspect of cultural transformation, highlighting the use of culture as a vehicle for soft power (Al Marri 2023). In recent years, investments in museums across the Gulf countries have surged, leading to the establishment of notable cultural institutions. For instance, in 2017, Saudi Arabia announced a $2 billion investment under Saudi Vision 2030, which should increase the number of museums from 155 to 241. Similarly, Oman invested $2.5 billion in the Omagine Project, which includes 18 museums. Comparable investments have also been made in Qatar, the UAE, and Kuwait (Arabian Travel Market 2017). Beyond the purely economic aspect, these museums, through global partnerships, exchange programs and tourism, contribute to project a new image of these countries and their cultural values globally, translating into a tool of cultural diplomacy and soft power.
This willingness to invest in partnerships within the museum and cultural sectors between EU countries and the GCC is exemplified by the Louvre Abu Dhabi, the largest French cultural project ever realized abroad. Inaugurated in 2017, this project is the result of an agreement involving thirteen prominent French public cultural institutions, including the Louvre, the Centre Pompidou, and the Musée d'Orsay, collectively represented by Agence France Muséums. This collaboration includes the loan of artworks, curatorial guidance, and training from French institutions. The Louvre Abu Dhabi Museum is the first universal museum in the Arab world, specifically focusing on the exploration of the connections between civilizations and cultures from around the world.[7] Macron’s first visit to the UAE as president during this occasion emphasized the connection between art and international politics. Former UAE Minister and current Cultural Advisor Zaki Nusseibeh stated "It is no longer enough to have military or economic power if you are not able to share your values. Exchange - that’s what soft power is". Nusseibeh also stressed the importance of investments in education and culture to counter religious extremism, which “is against everything that this country represents" (Ulrichsen 2021).
The Abrahamic Family House also exemplifies this vision, serving as a bridge between different religions and cultures within the country, where "communities of over 200 nationalities live together in peace."[8] This project positions the UAE as a benchmark for tolerance, reflecting both regional and global aspirations for intercultural dialogue and understanding. The dynamics of cultural collaboration between Gulf countries and Europe reflect a reciprocal exchange rather than a one-sided engagement. An example is the exhibition “Roads of Arabia”, organized by the Saudi Commission for Tourism & National Heritage, which displayed archaeological items linked to the Arabian peninsula's history and, specifically, its central role as a crossroad of cultures and religion in the ancient world. The exhibition has been featured in prestigious European museums, such as the Louvre in Paris, the National Museum in Rome, and the Pergamon Museum in Berlin (Ulrichsen 2021).
Higher Education and Research Partnerships
The academic world and education have the potential to create strong and lasting connections across different cultures. The history of the European Union, particularly through programs like Erasmus, illustrates this potential. European experience demonstrates that cooperation in education, along with exchange programs for students, researchers, and young professionals, helps build the social fabric necessary to strengthen political and economic relations. Education has been an integral part of reports since the signing of the cooperation agreement in 1988. Additionally, the 17th Joint Ministerial Communiqué of May 2007 emphasized the urgent need to enhance cooperation in education among universities in both regions.
Over the past few decades, collaborations in this field have increased significantly. For instance, France has opened several prestigious institutions in the Gulf countries, including HEC Paris Business School, which became the first European partner at the Education City in Qatar,[9] and Sorbonne University Abu Dhabi,[10] established in 2006. Furthermore, the German University of Technology in Oman (GUtech)[11] was launched in 2007 as a joint venture between RWTH Aachen and Oman Educational Services, a state-owned institution in Muscat. At the same time, Gulf countries have funded specific research projects and academic programs at European universities, leading to the development of numerous university courses focused on the Gulf region. For example, the Qatar Foundation has financially contributed to the creation of the Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies at the University of Oxford;[12] additionally, the Al Qasimi Foundation has sponsored academic research programs related to the Gulf region in collaboration with Sciences Po and other European institutions.[13] While these initiatives result from direct country-to-country interactions, additional projects have been created and supported within the broader EU-GCC framework. For instance, from 2008 to 2010, the Al Jisr Project was implemented. This two-year project, partly funded by the European Commission, focused on "Public Diplomacy and Outreach" aimed at strengthening EU and EU-GCC relations. Another initiative, known as INCONET-GCC2, was also supported by the European Commission. Its goal is to establish an international cooperation network in science, technology, and innovation between the European Union and Gulf countries. These programs have encouraged collaboration among academic and research institutions from both regions. Furthermore, regarding student mobility, the EU has previously funded specific initiatives such as the Erasmus Mundus Action 2 - LOT4 Gulf Countries, which promotes exchange between the EU and Gulf countries.
The significance of educational and research exchanges, which have increased in both directions since 2000, is that they have expanded Gulf interactions beyond the elite level. This development has involved larger and more diverse groups of people. However, to truly promote understanding and cultivate a broad-based relationship, the EU and GCC states should expand their shared agenda to encompass all levels of education, from nursery to university. The EU should respond to the GCC's requests, but it should also actively offer additional support. It's important to consider that the education sector must align with the cultural environment in which it operates: as shown by Diallo (2014), variations between Islamic and Western education frameworks can create tensions and identity resistance. Building effective partnerships takes time, and the true success of cooperation initiatives can only be assessed over an extended period. Therefore, efforts to expand collaboration in education should shift from a short-term perspective to a commitment to long-term goals. The time for this commitment is now, so that the benefits can be realised in the near future.
Sports
One of the most notable areas where interactions between the Gulf countries and Europe have intensified in recent decades is undoubtedly sports. From football to Formula 1, sports that are followed by millions of fans present a perfect opportunity to exercise soft power and draw the two regions closer together, fostering similarities between them. In this context, the Gulf countries have demonstrated significant resourcefulness and initiative.
Europe is renowned for its historic and popular football clubs, and the sport has been utilized as an influential tool for soft power projection. Since 2000, Gulf countries have strategically sought to use the global appeal of football for branding and cultural influence (Goldblatt 2019). One prominent method of this soft power engagement is through sponsorship. Major Gulf airlines, particularly Emirates and Etihad, have made significant investments in football by sponsoring team shirts and even renaming iconic clubs like Arsenal and Manchester City, which has integrated their brands into the vernacular of modern European football supporters. Additionally, several high-profile football clubs have been acquired by GCC investors. In addition to the examples of Manchester City (purchased by the Abu Dhabi United Group in 2008) and Paris Saint-Germain (acquired by Qatar Sports Investments in 2012) mentioned above, Newcastle FC was also taken over by the Saudi Public Investment Fund in 2021. The GCC countries are committed to cultivating a robust football culture and enhancing the competitiveness of the sport within the region (Ulrichsen 2015). This commitment is exemplified by Qatar's hosting of the 2022 FIFA World Cup and Saudi Arabia's selection to host the 2034 edition. Furthermore, the Saudi Football League has made considerable progress in its reputation by attracting prominent players from Europe, which not only boosts the league's profile but also fosters stronger connections between regions, particularly among non-governmental entities and the public. The most famous example is the transfer of Cristiano Ronaldo, who moved to Al Nassr in 2022 and brought great media attention to the Saudi league, with fans from all over the world watching the matches and engaging that environment and society. Through these moves, Saudi Arabia aims to present itself as more engaged with global events, dynamic, and open to the world, fostering contacts between non-government entities and the public. However, many NGOs are very critical of these politics, accusing the country of “sportwashing” to cover serious violations of human rights and civil liberties (Ganji 2023).
Football is not the sole sport being used as a tool for sports diplomacy in the relationship between Europe and the Gulf region. Similar connections have developed in sports such as Formula 1 racing and professional cycling, both of which are highly popular and have a rich history in Europe. In Formula 1, Bahrain hosted the first Grand Prix in the Gulf in 2004, followed by Abu Dhabi in 2009 (Ulrichsen 2018), with both Saudi Arabia and Qatar also holding their Grand Prix in 2021. In professional cycling, Bahrain and the UAE have established national cycling teams that compete at the highest levels, including participation in the Tour de France (McAuley 2017).
Conclusions and Recommendations
The connection between the European Union and the Gulf Cooperation Council has significantly strengthened over the last few decades. Initially focused on economic and security issues, this partnership has increasingly incorporated themes of soft power, particularly in the realm of culture. The first summit between the EU and the GCC, held on October 16, 2024, represents a milestone in the gradual rapprochement between these two regions. Both the EU and GCC member states are actively pursuing policies to foster closer ties and build strategic partnerships that align with essential regional dynamics.
In this context, cultural diplomacy plays a crucial role in addressing the challenges associated with this rapprochement. While there is considerable potential for growth and collaboration, significant limitations persist. In today’s cosmopolitan landscape, GCC states are broadening their horizons, with expanding connections to EU countries at the forefront of this process. The sectors examined in this paper are pivotal to cultural diplomacy between the two regions, providing strategic opportunities to unlock the full potential of their collaboration, benefitting both parties significantly. Cultural diplomacy can act as a catalyst for developing people-to-people connections, which often precede formal institutional relationships. Additionally, cultural and academic exchanges can broaden shared agendas, initiate collaborative projects, and facilitate the mobility of professionals, students, and scholars. Establishing a mutual recognition system for degrees, professional qualifications, and skills could enhance academic and professional mobility across both blocs. Furthermore, promoting Gulf-EU think tank alliances and academic collaborations could lead to the co-production of policy papers and strategic analyses that adopt a regional perspective rather than a national one. Complementing these efforts, soft power tools such as joint media productions, cultural exhibitions, and sports diplomacy can significantly contribute to building trust and a shared identity. These initiatives should be actively encouraged, supported, and financed at a supranational level to enhance regional collaboration between the EU and the GCC, as opposed to only fostering country-to-country relations. This approach involves strengthening inter-bloc mechanisms, creating shared frameworks, and fostering a collective identity and strategic vision on both sides.
Notes
[1] Institute for Cultural Diplomacy: https://culturaldiplomacy.org/index.php?en_culturaldiplomacy
[2] 2024 Joint Communication: https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2024/10/16/first-european-union-gulf-cooperation-council-summit-joint-statement/
[3] 1989 EEC-GCC Cooperation Agreement. 1989. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=celex%3A21989A0225%2801%29
[4] GCC Charter 1981 https://www.mofa.gov.bh/abudhabi/en/gcc
[5] 2016 Joint Communication on International Cultural Relations: https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX:52016JC0029
[6] 2019 Council Conclusions on EU Strategic Approach to Cultural Relations: https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=oj:JOC_2019_192_R_0004
[7] Louvre Website: https://www.louvre.fr/le-louvre-en-france-et-dans-le-monde/le-louvre-abu-dhabi
[8] The Abrahamic Family House: https://www.abrahamicfamilyhouse.ae/about-us
[9] HEC Paris. 2024. “HEC Paris and Qatar Foundation Extend Strategic Partnership for Another Decade.” HEC Paris Newsroom, November 10, 2024. https://www.hec.edu/en/news-room/hec-paris-and-qatar-foundation-extend-strategic-partnership-another-decade-strengthening-leadership-education-drives-human-capacity-development.
[10] Sorbonne University Abu Dhabi. n.d. “About Us.” https://www.sorbonne.ae/about-us/
[11] German University of Technology in Oman. n.d. “About GUtech.” https://www.gutech.edu.om/about-gutech/.
[12] St Antony’s College, University of Oxford. n.d. “Contemporary Islamic Studies.” https://www.sant.ox.ac.uk/middle-east-centre/middle-east-centre/contemporary-islamic-studies/
[13] Al Qasimi Foundation. n.d. “Research.” https://www.alqasimifoundation.com/research/.
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